I suspect that George Cowcher, the chief executive of Derbyshire & Nottinghamshire Chamber, is probably being his normal diplomatic self when he says that Conservative party politicking about an EU referendum is “extremely unhelpful”.
While it’s true to say that businesses are unlikely to shed any tears if there was a bonfire of EU red tape tomorrow, Britain’s relationship with the Union is currently number 99 on the list of the top 10 challenges they face.
Businesses really do get riled by the time and money it takes to satisfy rules simply to get the job done (especially when the EU is meant to be a barriers-down single market), but what they crave more than anything else is stability: if we know what the rules are and they’re the same for everyone then they’ll usually grin and bear them.
The spectacle of politicians down in London spending OUR time and money jawing about an EU referendum might well strike businesses as not just indulgent but also irrelevant to where the economy is at right now.
What about business rates revaluation, what about energy and raw material costs, what about infrastructure, what about the availability of funding and the cost of new facilities, what about sorting UK government red tape?
Derbyshire & Nottinghamshire Chamber is the third biggest in the country, so the views of the businesses who comprise its membership ought to count for something.
Those views, expressed through its respected Quarterly Economic Survey, are that two-thirds of businesses want the UK to stay in the EU. What they want to change is the UK taking more control over some of the one-size-fits-all rules governing issues like employment.
The EU is not good at persuading ordinary people of its value, and has recently had a nasty habit of asking the same question a different way when people give it an answer it doesn’t like. As an institution, it has seemed both wrong-footed and lead-footed amidst the Eurozone crisis – a crisis that has had a painful impact on ordinary people in Greece and Spain.
Not being part of the eurozone has unquestionably helped the UK’s sluggish economy, allowing us to manipulate both interest rates and currency value in a way individual Eurozone countries cannot.
But businesses largely believe being a part of the wider EU at worst doesn’t make any difference, at best has its merits. If the Chamber’s survey is anything to go by, it’s the rules they quibble over, not club membership.
Showing posts with label Eurozone. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Eurozone. Show all posts
Wednesday, 15 May 2013
Monday, 14 May 2012
Greek myth turns tragic for us all
If you’d asked me a few months back, I’d have said the problems in the Eurozone looked like they’d quietened down nicely.
Yes, some painful targets were being put in place to rein in spending deficits and pay back the absolute mountains of debt that Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal racked up in the years of plenty, but provided they swallowed this deeply unpleasant hangover cure things wouldn’t get worse.
More importantly, a lull in the crisis would give the European economy time to get back on an even keel and start generating some growth.
Well, they’ve now spat the cure back out again. Or, to mix metaphors, they want to have their cake and eat it.
Last week, I watched a marvellous TV documentary about the eurozone crisis in Greece presented by former Tory minister Michael Portillo. Greece, you’ll remember, is the country where the government lied about its budget deficit to gain entry to the euro, where tax avoidance is a national sport, and where government borrowed squillions to host the 2004 Olympics, building a series of statement facilities which now lie unused (and unpaid for).
Portillo spoke to a handful of ordinary Greeks and asked them whether it might not be better to accept they had been living a lie, realise they could never pay back this towering debt and leave the euro. To a man, they said no. And anyway it was the government’s fault, not theirs. (To be fair, a similar attitude still surfaces here: we blame government for allowing the banking crash, and banks for irresponsible lending, we blame government now for cutbacks…even though it was us who borrowed all that money. But at least we’ve swallowed our medicine…so far).
Even in France – a big economy which lags Germany because of overblown public spending – voters decided they didn’t want austerity. With great respect to La France, they haven’t even sniffed it yet.
The European Union only has itself to blame here. It should never have allowed Greece into the euro when, deep down, everybody in Berlin and Brussels knew Athens’ accounting was just another Greek myth.
And the fundamental flaw in the whole euro project was that it assumed countries were willing to sacrifice a central part of their sovereignty – financial independence – for the greater good of Europe.
The politicians might have been, but the results of various elections in Greece, France and Italy have demonstrated that, when it comes to the crunch at least, voters are not.
The politicians made this assumption partly because they thought the Eurozone would always deliver reasonable growth and because the impact of a one-size-fits-all interest rate on a financial crisis in a range of economies had never been crash-tested.
It has now. And it looks to have failed.
May be it would have been different if voters across Europe weren’t feeling the pinch. But this isn’t the first time that European leaders have been caught running well ahead of the people they represent with hugely ambitious policies no one had voted on.
There is no clean and easy way out of this. Greek banks have been propped up by cash injections from the European Central Bank and from central banks in other countries. Banks across the continent are exposed to the Greek, Italian and Spanish economies.
If Greece goes back to the drachma it will trade at fractions of the value of the euro, the price Italian, Spanish and Portugese governments pay to borrow will rocket, and banks will hoard cash again.
So if Greece limps out of the euro with a default the losses will be felt by us all.
Holidays in in the Aegean will suddenly be very cheap. And by crikey we’ll need one…
Yes, some painful targets were being put in place to rein in spending deficits and pay back the absolute mountains of debt that Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal racked up in the years of plenty, but provided they swallowed this deeply unpleasant hangover cure things wouldn’t get worse.
More importantly, a lull in the crisis would give the European economy time to get back on an even keel and start generating some growth.
Well, they’ve now spat the cure back out again. Or, to mix metaphors, they want to have their cake and eat it.
Last week, I watched a marvellous TV documentary about the eurozone crisis in Greece presented by former Tory minister Michael Portillo. Greece, you’ll remember, is the country where the government lied about its budget deficit to gain entry to the euro, where tax avoidance is a national sport, and where government borrowed squillions to host the 2004 Olympics, building a series of statement facilities which now lie unused (and unpaid for).
Portillo spoke to a handful of ordinary Greeks and asked them whether it might not be better to accept they had been living a lie, realise they could never pay back this towering debt and leave the euro. To a man, they said no. And anyway it was the government’s fault, not theirs. (To be fair, a similar attitude still surfaces here: we blame government for allowing the banking crash, and banks for irresponsible lending, we blame government now for cutbacks…even though it was us who borrowed all that money. But at least we’ve swallowed our medicine…so far).
Even in France – a big economy which lags Germany because of overblown public spending – voters decided they didn’t want austerity. With great respect to La France, they haven’t even sniffed it yet.
The European Union only has itself to blame here. It should never have allowed Greece into the euro when, deep down, everybody in Berlin and Brussels knew Athens’ accounting was just another Greek myth.
And the fundamental flaw in the whole euro project was that it assumed countries were willing to sacrifice a central part of their sovereignty – financial independence – for the greater good of Europe.
The politicians might have been, but the results of various elections in Greece, France and Italy have demonstrated that, when it comes to the crunch at least, voters are not.
The politicians made this assumption partly because they thought the Eurozone would always deliver reasonable growth and because the impact of a one-size-fits-all interest rate on a financial crisis in a range of economies had never been crash-tested.
It has now. And it looks to have failed.
May be it would have been different if voters across Europe weren’t feeling the pinch. But this isn’t the first time that European leaders have been caught running well ahead of the people they represent with hugely ambitious policies no one had voted on.
There is no clean and easy way out of this. Greek banks have been propped up by cash injections from the European Central Bank and from central banks in other countries. Banks across the continent are exposed to the Greek, Italian and Spanish economies.
If Greece goes back to the drachma it will trade at fractions of the value of the euro, the price Italian, Spanish and Portugese governments pay to borrow will rocket, and banks will hoard cash again.
So if Greece limps out of the euro with a default the losses will be felt by us all.
Holidays in in the Aegean will suddenly be very cheap. And by crikey we’ll need one…
Thursday, 3 November 2011
A Nightmare on Euro Street
You don’t need to be a professor of political economics to get your head round the disaster area that is the Greek economy.
If you run your own business, then a few simple facts and figures should do the trick. So here they are (warning to any EU finance ministers: look away now).
Greece currently owes around £300 billion in debts. Yet its economy is worth only £200 billion a year (for the purposes of comparison, the UK economy is worth around £1.38 trillion). So it isn’t making enough money to pay.
It’s almost certain that the Greek government told creative fibs about the scale of its budget deficit (the shortfall between its tax income and its spending). We now know that, at times, it has been twice the stated level.
Greece ‘qualified’ to join the euro with a budget deficit supposedly amounting to 3.7% of its GDP. Before the credit crunch hit in 2007, the deficit was already 6.5% - well above any other Eurozone country. By 2009, it was just short of 16%. (We’re not short of budget deficit issues in the UK, of course, but our figure for 2009 was 11.5%, and that for an economy six times the size of Greece).
One of the reasons Greece runs up big budget deficits is that there is widespread tax dodging. In 2005, for example, 49 per cent of tax went unpaid in one three-month period. Overall, it’s thought the Greek government loses as much as £18 billion a year in unpaid tax.
The public sector accounts for around 40% of the Greek economy…which will, of course, needs to be fed a huge and steady stream of tax. Tax-and-spend government is fine - but only if you collect the tax.
In theory, then, Greece will routinely need to borrow supertankers full of money to make ends meet. But the bonds it tries to sell to raise that cash don’t even qualify for junk status now – the financial equivalent of scrap metal.
So, it’s bust.
Not a pretty picture for Greece, and now a Nightmare on Euro Street.
You can see from those numbers that Greece never really had the financial discipline to join a one-size-fits-all currency system where 17 different countries had to meet the same financial rules.
Greece has exploded out of the seams of it, and the rest of the Eurozone countries are now desperately trying to stitch those seams back together. It is a painful spectacle.
Italy is facing the same nightmare scenario for three reasons: it, too, engaged in creative accounting about its budget deficit, it has huge debts, and its prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, is widely derided as a political clown who has lost control of the country’s finances. This in the third biggest economy in the Eurozone…
Financial markets haven’t just written Greece off. They think it exposes a flaw at the heart of the whole Eurozone project: that you can’t have one currency when there are 17 governments unable to agree on a way forward because their economies are operating at different speeds.
The Greek government’s decision to agree a debt restructuring deal one week but put it in doubt through a referendum the next illustrates the point. Markets won't wait; they will take their own decision.
And this is why the Greek dilemma is not some distant wrangle you can read about over your cornflakes and forget when you go to work (though the antics of some Conservative eurosceptics last week suggest some still think this is a playground knockabout).
The clear and present danger posed by the eurozone crisis is that banks, confronted by losses on loans to indebted countries, put the brakes on lending again, tipping the UK’s biggest export market back into recession - and us with it.
Beyond that, the big question beginning to loom over the whole Greek tragedy is this: is an EU with single currency heading towards a single treasury?
If you run your own business, then a few simple facts and figures should do the trick. So here they are (warning to any EU finance ministers: look away now).
Greece currently owes around £300 billion in debts. Yet its economy is worth only £200 billion a year (for the purposes of comparison, the UK economy is worth around £1.38 trillion). So it isn’t making enough money to pay.
It’s almost certain that the Greek government told creative fibs about the scale of its budget deficit (the shortfall between its tax income and its spending). We now know that, at times, it has been twice the stated level.
Greece ‘qualified’ to join the euro with a budget deficit supposedly amounting to 3.7% of its GDP. Before the credit crunch hit in 2007, the deficit was already 6.5% - well above any other Eurozone country. By 2009, it was just short of 16%. (We’re not short of budget deficit issues in the UK, of course, but our figure for 2009 was 11.5%, and that for an economy six times the size of Greece).
One of the reasons Greece runs up big budget deficits is that there is widespread tax dodging. In 2005, for example, 49 per cent of tax went unpaid in one three-month period. Overall, it’s thought the Greek government loses as much as £18 billion a year in unpaid tax.
The public sector accounts for around 40% of the Greek economy…which will, of course, needs to be fed a huge and steady stream of tax. Tax-and-spend government is fine - but only if you collect the tax.
In theory, then, Greece will routinely need to borrow supertankers full of money to make ends meet. But the bonds it tries to sell to raise that cash don’t even qualify for junk status now – the financial equivalent of scrap metal.
So, it’s bust.
Not a pretty picture for Greece, and now a Nightmare on Euro Street.
You can see from those numbers that Greece never really had the financial discipline to join a one-size-fits-all currency system where 17 different countries had to meet the same financial rules.
Greece has exploded out of the seams of it, and the rest of the Eurozone countries are now desperately trying to stitch those seams back together. It is a painful spectacle.
Italy is facing the same nightmare scenario for three reasons: it, too, engaged in creative accounting about its budget deficit, it has huge debts, and its prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, is widely derided as a political clown who has lost control of the country’s finances. This in the third biggest economy in the Eurozone…
Financial markets haven’t just written Greece off. They think it exposes a flaw at the heart of the whole Eurozone project: that you can’t have one currency when there are 17 governments unable to agree on a way forward because their economies are operating at different speeds.
The Greek government’s decision to agree a debt restructuring deal one week but put it in doubt through a referendum the next illustrates the point. Markets won't wait; they will take their own decision.
And this is why the Greek dilemma is not some distant wrangle you can read about over your cornflakes and forget when you go to work (though the antics of some Conservative eurosceptics last week suggest some still think this is a playground knockabout).
The clear and present danger posed by the eurozone crisis is that banks, confronted by losses on loans to indebted countries, put the brakes on lending again, tipping the UK’s biggest export market back into recession - and us with it.
Beyond that, the big question beginning to loom over the whole Greek tragedy is this: is an EU with single currency heading towards a single treasury?
Thursday, 6 October 2011
The Smell of Fear
I wouldn’t bother looking at the TV news if I was you. It’s not very nice. Draw the curtains and make a cup of tea instead.
Over on the continent, you have a sovereign debt problem about to be turned into a banking crisis by political incompetence. Which, I guess, is what happens when you try to get a room full of chalk and cheese to agree on anything.
Over in the USA, the Republican Congress’s determination to turf Barack Obama out of the White House means both sides can't agree on any long-term solution to the USA’s gargantuan budget deficit before the 2012 Presidential vote. Which is certainly brave, but may turn out to be stupid.
With those two elephants in the room, do we even need to talk about the UK’s flat-as-a-pancake GDP? Thought not.
Much as I’d like to dismiss the problems over in the Eurozone – and the political turmoil in particular is a gift to Europhobes – it presents a clear and present danger to our frayed economy. Despite all the talk of China, India, Russia and Brazil being the Next Big Thing in exporting, the amount of money we earn from them is dwarfed by what we routinely rake in from the likes of Ireland, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium etc.
They are our closest trading partners in every sense, and we need to do more with them.
So, imagine a situation where your business partner on the continent says he can’t pay you this quarter and isn’t currently able to finance any new orders. Unfortunately, that scenario is no longer completely in the realms of fantasy land.
The Eurozone crisis is a story of world financial markets ruthlessly chasing down governments and banks who haven’t given a straight answer to the question ‘When are you going to pay off your debts?’. Greece borrowed so much that, whatever the eurozone might pretend, markets have already decided it can’t pay.
So the next question is what happens to the people it and other debtor nations owe money too? That’s where some European banks come in, and they now find themselves in the same situation that UK banks did in 2007-2008: carrying huge debts that they do not have enough of their own capital to cover.
This, though, isn’t the problem. That lies with European governments. Between them, they can decide to let Greece default on its debts and provide banks with all the funds they need to cope. It won’t be pretty, but it can be done in an organised fashion.
It can, but will it? European institutions are not used to taking decisions quickly, when you dissect those decisions they often turn out to be fudges open to localised interpretation, and there is a history of allowing exceptions through opt-outs or different groupings.
What do world financial markets do when confronted with the failure to answer serious questions about debtors? They take the decision themselves.
That’s what is happening at the moment. When indebted European banks go out into the money markets and seek routine funding to support their cash flows they are being told ‘Fine – but the price has gone up’.
This is exactly what happened here in 2008 when the London Interbank Offered Rate – what banks charge each other for lending money – shot up overnight. UK banks responded by clamping down on lending out the money in their own accounts, and the results of that are still being seen in our own dismal GDP figures.
You’ve seen the Bank of England announce today that it will drop another £75 billion into the UK economy through further quantitative easing. That will help us in the medium to longer-term, and may assist some measures of business confidence.
But only when the European question is answered will we be able to look forward.
The Eurozone may yet get cajoled, pushed and kicked into a categorical pledge to support financial institutions come what may and to accept that Greece won’t pay back some of its debts.
That in itself won’t be a get-out-of-jail card. But the alternative is…well, if the alternative happens I’d send the TV set back.
Over on the continent, you have a sovereign debt problem about to be turned into a banking crisis by political incompetence. Which, I guess, is what happens when you try to get a room full of chalk and cheese to agree on anything.
Over in the USA, the Republican Congress’s determination to turf Barack Obama out of the White House means both sides can't agree on any long-term solution to the USA’s gargantuan budget deficit before the 2012 Presidential vote. Which is certainly brave, but may turn out to be stupid.
With those two elephants in the room, do we even need to talk about the UK’s flat-as-a-pancake GDP? Thought not.
Much as I’d like to dismiss the problems over in the Eurozone – and the political turmoil in particular is a gift to Europhobes – it presents a clear and present danger to our frayed economy. Despite all the talk of China, India, Russia and Brazil being the Next Big Thing in exporting, the amount of money we earn from them is dwarfed by what we routinely rake in from the likes of Ireland, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium etc.
They are our closest trading partners in every sense, and we need to do more with them.
So, imagine a situation where your business partner on the continent says he can’t pay you this quarter and isn’t currently able to finance any new orders. Unfortunately, that scenario is no longer completely in the realms of fantasy land.
The Eurozone crisis is a story of world financial markets ruthlessly chasing down governments and banks who haven’t given a straight answer to the question ‘When are you going to pay off your debts?’. Greece borrowed so much that, whatever the eurozone might pretend, markets have already decided it can’t pay.
So the next question is what happens to the people it and other debtor nations owe money too? That’s where some European banks come in, and they now find themselves in the same situation that UK banks did in 2007-2008: carrying huge debts that they do not have enough of their own capital to cover.
This, though, isn’t the problem. That lies with European governments. Between them, they can decide to let Greece default on its debts and provide banks with all the funds they need to cope. It won’t be pretty, but it can be done in an organised fashion.
It can, but will it? European institutions are not used to taking decisions quickly, when you dissect those decisions they often turn out to be fudges open to localised interpretation, and there is a history of allowing exceptions through opt-outs or different groupings.
What do world financial markets do when confronted with the failure to answer serious questions about debtors? They take the decision themselves.
That’s what is happening at the moment. When indebted European banks go out into the money markets and seek routine funding to support their cash flows they are being told ‘Fine – but the price has gone up’.
This is exactly what happened here in 2008 when the London Interbank Offered Rate – what banks charge each other for lending money – shot up overnight. UK banks responded by clamping down on lending out the money in their own accounts, and the results of that are still being seen in our own dismal GDP figures.
You’ve seen the Bank of England announce today that it will drop another £75 billion into the UK economy through further quantitative easing. That will help us in the medium to longer-term, and may assist some measures of business confidence.
But only when the European question is answered will we be able to look forward.
The Eurozone may yet get cajoled, pushed and kicked into a categorical pledge to support financial institutions come what may and to accept that Greece won’t pay back some of its debts.
That in itself won’t be a get-out-of-jail card. But the alternative is…well, if the alternative happens I’d send the TV set back.
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